Different theories of ageing

Different theories of ageing One of the most significant achievements of modern society is the rise in human longevity. Since 1800, life expectancy at birth has gradually increased over the subsequent two centuries, from forty years to nearly eighty years (Bongaarts 2006). These remarkable changes in human biology have produced challenges for scientists, doctors, sociologists and policy-makers. Over the last century, the growing realization of the changing demography of ageing has provoked sociological and biological research to explain the effects of these changes on society. The aim of this essay is to discuss how different theories of ageing have tried to approach older people and their circumstances. The study of ageing as social gerontology took root in the late 1940s, at a time of great social and demographic change. After World War 2, society in Europe and the United States of America (USA) had palpably changed, prompting sociological research into changes in ageing amongst other sociological phenomena (Vincent 1996). The modern political and economic environment viewed ageing, for the first time, as a problem for society (Jones, 1993). This view of ageing was at odds with the prevailing functionalist sociological theories of the time. Talcott Parsons was a key proponent of general functionalism, and viewed society from the macro perspective of needing functioning parts in order to maintain its well-being. The analogy was with the body of an organism just as the body has many specialized organs which are required for the body to function, society is also the sum of its parts: youth, family, education, labour force, professionals, religion, government etc. Society required these parts to be working together in order for society to function with equilibrium (Giddens 1993). The biology of ageing had been actively researched since the days of Darwin and Mendel, yet the interaction between ageing and society remained unexplored. Indeed, the Social Science Research Council in the USA concluded in 1948 that the scientific community had paid little attention to the interaction between biology and society (Achenbaum and Bengston). The first psychosocial theories on ageing and society took shape, and were published a decade later. Social scientists Elaine Cummins and William Henry published the first important study of aging in 1961. They advanced what they called the disengagement theory of aging. This theory was based on data from the Kansas City Study of Adult Life, in which researchers from the University of Chicago followed several hundred adults from middle to old age. The authors concluded from this study that growing old was a process of disengagement, whereby the tendency of ageing adults was to withdraw from society and live out their declining years with as little interference with others as was possible. Whilst these findings reflected the social practice of the day such as the granny flat or retirement home environment, the authors also proposed that this theory had advantages for the individual and society. According to Cumming and Henrys model, the major shift in interaction between the aged and the rest of society occurs when older people begin to realize their declining physical and cognitive functions and their mortality. They propose that this leads to removal, both consciously and subconsciously, from social networks. Simultaneously, society distances itself from the elderly, and the roles and responsibilities of these elderly members of society are passed along to the younger ones. From a sociological perspective, it has been suggested that disengagement has theoretical benefits (reference?). For the elderly, disengagement facilitates gradual withdrawal from society, whilst preserving social equilibrium. Ageing removes the capacity for older people to function as parents, professionals or working members of society, and therefore it promotes self-reflection for the elderly who are freed from roles of responsibility within society (ref?). Ultimately, it prepares the elderly for a decline in health and death. From the perspective of society, disengagement allows knowledge, responsibility, wealth and power to be transferred from the older generation to the young. The roles of the old and the young in society evolve, such that disengagement from roles of responsibility ensures that the younger population have jobs and roles into which to develop. It makes it possible for society to continue functioning after valuable older members die. Clearly, disengagement theory must be viewed in the context of the era in which it was developed. Largely, the theory of Cummings and Henry reflected the practice of the day. Elderly people in industrialized nations in the 1960s were encouraged to live out their declining years without interfering with progress and development. In rural settings, elderly people may still have contributed through the use of learned practical skills, although during a time of rapid technological advancement these skills were less valued than by earlier generations. This is a form of role discontinuity, whereby what is learned at one age may be useless or conflict with a subsequent period on ones life. This contrasts with contemporary views of ageing, whereby aged populations are more familiar with the technological advances of the second half of the last century. Retirement and disengagement in this context may not be to the benefit of society or the individual. Moreover, until recently few positive role models for elderly individuals existed. Those in the public eye and the media have tended to be youthful in appearance, hindering the socialization to old age. However, with the demographic growth and visibility of the elderly population has come more role models of active and healthy ageing. In this setting, disengagement of individuals before they reached the stage of imminent mortality, whilst they are still able contribute to roles in society, may cause both social and financial isolation and lack of self-worth. Loss of role through loss of spouse, divorce or retirement can lead to an erosion of identity and self-esteem (Rosow 1985). This, coupled with the relentless improvement in healthcare for the elderly, suggests that disengagement theory may be a product of the post-World War 2 era rather than universally applicable. These problems with the universal validity of disengagement theory were recognised within a few years. Activity theory can be viewed as a counterpoint to disengagement theory. Activity theory views old age as an extension of middle age, rather than a separate psychological and biological stage of life as proposed by disengagement theory. Activity theory actually pre-dates disengagement theory. In the 1950s Havighurst and Albrecht (1953 cited in Katz 1996) insisted ageing can be lively and creative experience. Any loss of roles, activities or relationships within old age, should be replaced by new roles or activities to ensure happiness, value consensus and well-being, and that this approach has benefits for the individual and society. The theory builds on the principle that the biological process of ageing can be modified by modern healthcare, and therefore the only differences between and old age and middle age are these modifiable biological processes, not societal wants and needs (schulz and rockwood). The basis of the theory is that there is a positive relationship between activity and life satisfaction, and the greater the role loss the lower the sense of self-worth or satisfaction (Lemon 1972). Therefore, a persons sense of self-worth is related to the roles held by that person i.e. retiring may not be so harmful if the person actively maintains other roles, such as familial roles, recreational roles, volunteer and community work. However, early research failed to substantiate a psychological benefit of continued engagement and activity. Lemon, Bengston and Peterson examined key elements of activity theory in a cross-sectional sample of future residents of a retirement community. In this study little connection was found between activity and satisfaction. However, this study suffers from similar criticisms as the Kansas City Study of Adult Life. The study group consisted of Caucasian, middle-class, married individuals interested in pursuing an active retirement. These issues ref lect a common problem with sociological research into the theories of ageing limited diversity of populations and the presence of confounding factors such as attitudes towards activity and engagement, limit the universal applicability of findings and determination of causality. A further problem with both these theories is their macro approach to the sociological phenomenon of ageing. Activity theory neglects the individual issues of inequality and heterogeneity between age groups. It is clear both activity theory and disengagement theory may be suited to certain individuals or groups on society, and may not be universally applicable. Whilst Phillipson (1998) sees these functionalist schools as important in shaping social theory, such functionalist theories may impose a sense of causality on aging by implying that an aged person will either disengage or will be active. Thus, it can be argued that these arbitrary social theories are a form of academic imperialism, whereby the activities of individual elderly people are dictated by macro-orientated theories rather than taking account of individual experiences or using inductive reasoning. Continuity theory incorporates aspects of activity theory and disengagement theory within the functionalist framework. Continuity theory maintains the social-psychological that were developed from the Kansas City Studies. The basis of continuity theory is that individuals maintain a consistent pattern of behaviour as they age, by replacing lost roles of adulthood with similar ones, and by maintaining a constant attitude of adaptation towards the social environment. Life satisfaction is determined by the consistency between current activities or lifestyles with ones lifetime experiences (Neugarten, Havinghurst, Tobin 1968). This consistency in behaviour implies that central personality characteristics and core values become more pronounced with age. That is, that people who have always been passive and withdrawn are unlikely to become active upon retirement, and vice versa. Therefore, this theory does not advocate significant psychological change with age, unlike the other two macro theories. It is a micro-level theory, encompassing individual experiences and adaptations. However, micro theories suffer from the limitation if not being generalisable, and therefore not being able to be empirically tested on a broader scale. Moreover, by focusing on the individual, micro-theories may overlook the role of social factors in modifying the ageing process (you need references for these points). By contrast, the theory of political economy of old age is a macro-level theory that emerged as a reaction to functionalism, and focuses on social factors modifying ageing. The theory draws upon Marxist views of the capitalist nature of modern society and how old age was socially constructed to meet the needs of the modern economy (Estes 1979). This grew out of a wider move towards modernization in sociology, attempting to explain the changes in society as consequences of population ageing, industrialization and fertility decline. Therefore, socioeconomic and political factors, not individual factors, are the primary determinants of the experience of ageing. These include age and class, as well as gender, sexual orientation and race. As Phillipson (1998) points out, in the UK huge forms of social expenditure were allocated to older people. Consequently, not only were older people viewed in medical terms but in resource terms by governments. This built upon the idea of ageing as a burden to modern society, as Phillipson (1998: 17) states: Older people came to be viewed as a burden on western economies, with demographic change seen as creating intolerable pressures on public expenditure. The major focus of the political economy of ageing was an interpretation of the relationship between aging and the economic structure. In the USA, political economy theory was brought to prominence by the work of Estes (1979), and Estes, Swan and Gerard (1982). Similarly, in the UK, the work of Walker (1981), Townsend (1981) and Phillipson (1982) contributed to understanding age and ageing in modern British society. In the USA, Estes, Swan and Gerard (1982) state that the class structure is the major determinant of the socio-economic position of older people in society. Estes justifies this position by using a Marxist view of society to explain how a individuals social worth is dependent on their productivity. All subsequent policy towards age and ageing can be explained from this premise. Negative attitudes towards older people, and their impoverished position, can be explained by their loss of social worth brought about by their loss of a productive role in modern society. Estes (1 979) also claims that political economy theory highlights the role of the state in contemporary society. Since the state dictates the allocation of resources, this determines the allocation of retirement and pension schemes, and is therefore a further key determinant of social worth of elderly people. Phillipson (1982) builds on this point of view, ad goes on to state that retirement is linked to the timing of economic reduction of wages and enforced withdrawal from work, and hence many older people in the UK in a financially insecure position. Therefore, the state can determine the social position and future of its elderly citizens, and indirectly shape prevailing social and cultural attitudes to the elderly. Indeed, any discussion about change in the welfare state leads to further legitimisation of the burden stereotype of the elderly in society. Echoing this point of view, Townsend (1981) states that society creates the social problems of old age through structured dependency embedded in institutional ageism, through lack of material resources due to poverty, retirement policy, the negative consequences of residential care, and poor structure of community care. Townsend puts forward the idea that there is a structural perspective of rules and resources governing older people in modern society. Townsend claims that the approach is: one whereby society is held to create the framework of institutions and rules within which the general problem of the elderly emerge or, indeed, manufactured. In the everyday management of the economy and the administration and development of social institutions the position of the elderly subtly changed and shaped. (Townsend 1981: 9) Similarly, Walker (1981) argues for a theory of political economy of old age in order to understand the position of older people. In particular, Walker (1981: 77) builds on the idea that the structure of modern society propagates dependency among groups such as the elderly a social creation of dependency. Phillipson (1982, 1986) writes in a similar vein, and considers how capitalism helps socially construct the social marginality of older people in key areas such as welfare. The key argument of these writers within the Marxist school of thought is inequalities in the distribution of resources should be understood in terms of the distribution of power within society, rather than in terms of variation between individuals. In addition to the argument that social and governmental policy contributes to the socializing and marginalizing of old age, political economy theory criticizes the emphasis on community engagement and the consequent social devaluing of elderly people who cannot or choose not to engage in these activities. Activities such as participation in volunteer programmes and social work may be viewed as a way to meet public service gaps created by reduced public funding. Although the benefits of volunteering have been proposed by activity theory, from the point of view of political economy it is social and structural factors that influence the individuals decision to volunteer or participate. For example, elderly individuals who are also carers for their spouse or their grandchildren may not be able to take on additional social roles, and may leave the individual vulnerable to social criticism. Indeed, it has been noted that a paradigm of ageing that only values productivity and civic-engagem ent can stigmatise and disempower elders who cannot contribute to society because of illness, disability or limited time and resources (reference?). The life-course perspective is not necessarily a theory, but a framework of ageing as a lifelong process. It attempts to explain how ageing is shaped by earlier events, including social structure and history along with interactions with family and culture. Individual development of personality and cognition interact with these other factors affecting life-course. Time is the key variable, since it influences relationships in three ways: life experiences influence relationships, family events and family transitions influence individuals and interactions, and events in a broader social historical context also influence social role and values. Social context interacts with individuals and influences them and their relationships. This framework takes account of the diversity of roles and role changes across lifespan, since it views development as occurring at all stages and not just any one stage of life. It takes into account the gains and losses that occur through life-course, rather than viewing development as a linear process. Therefore, development is considered multidirectional, with stability or development in areas, and decline in others. For example, ageing may lead to impairment in short-term memory but not in creativity or social function. Therefore, this approach takes account of micro and macro levels of development and provides a framework to shape further sociological research into ageing. In conclusion, sociological theories of ageing have evolved alongside changes in demography and economics since the early 20th century. The functionalist theories of activity and disengagement approached ageing in the context of the prevailing view of the time. Although based on empirical evidence the observational studies from Kansas city these studies were limited to middle-class Caucasion populations and yet were extrapolated to macro-level theories. As such, both these theories suffered criticisms for their lack of generalisability, and newer theories were developed as an immediate reaction. In the context of economic troubles during the 1970s, the sociology of ageing began to be viewed in an economic perspective. The view of structural aspects of society interacting with healthy or unhealthy ageing has advanced sociological thought in this area, and laid the foundation for contemporary views of ageing. Current demographic issues such as the prevailing economic climate, declining fertility and improvements in healthcare have changed the sociological view of ageing. As such, these issues must be addressed as further research attempts to view life-course influences on ageing at both a macro- and micro-theoretical level.

Daniel Suelo the Archetypal hero Essay

The book The Hero with a Thousand Faces, by Joseph Campbell proposes that all myths are essentially hero-quest stories, each of which rings a unique change on a universal pattern; a pattern he calls the â€Å"monomyth.† According to Campbell, the hero’s journey consists of three main moves: departure, initiation, and return. Within each of these categories is a number of stages common to the plots of all hero-quest stories, and can be compared to Daniel Suelo’s adventure throughout his life. According to the book The Hero with a Thousand Faces, the first move of the journey is departure which starts with the call to adventure. The call of adventure is how the journey starts and with Daniel Suelo it starts with him leaving the last of his money in a telephone booth and going for the adventure (accepting the call to adventure), so there is no direct indication of a call of adventure but leaving behind the money is probably the closest. Sometimes the hero does not accept the call to adventure and refuses it which turns the story to the negative, they lose their power and instead of the saving people, they are the one to be saved for refusing. After refusing their life changes from beautiful and colorful to boring dry and empty, and this is not the same as what happens to Daniel Suelo, but his life before was meaningless and he always wanted to take on the adventure (life with no money), so he probably refused the call before and accepted it later on. And for those who did not refuse the call, accepted it and took it on, the first thing the hero meets is a figure that is protective of them, and provides the hero help against whatever comes up on his or her journey. According to Daniel Suelo’s story, he has no supernatural aid, and no one on his side to help him with his journey,but later on in his life he does find a man, and has a relationship, and that relationship is possibly what kept him going, because he was very lonely, and his friend protected him from the feeling of being lonely. According to Joseph Campbell, the hero continues his journey until he comes to a threshold guardian, where he must cross the first threshold. This is where the hero must be brave to step in through the threshold to experience the unknown and compared to Daniel Suelo’s story, he accepted the call to  adventure and gets a supernatural aid, then must go through the threshold which is possibly him leaving his house and leaving his money in the phone booth and taking the world on without any money.The passage of the magical threshold is symbolized in the womb image of the belly of the wale. After the hero taking on the threshold, the hero will easily be sucked into the belly of the wale, and will appear as dead. Daniel Suelo’s adventure starts with him leaving his money, and ending up living in a cave in Utah, and that is where all his adventures start, and the cave is where he sleeps, which makes him appear as dead, then second day he wakes up hes stronger and hes ready t o take on everything. The second big move of the hero is initiation that starts with the road of trials that the hero must go through and experience, to get to the end of his journey. The hero must survive the trials, and this stage in a story in known to be the favorite phase of adventure,  where the hero will meet the unknown and be ready for the unexperienced. The trials in Daniel Suelo’s life is probably everything he has to face everyday to live human beings, to animals.Sometimes Daniel Suelo had to try his best to keep his cave up in Utah from police officers that wouldn’t allow him to live on unused government property. He also how to go through trials asking for food, because Daniel used to only take food from those who offered, or from dumpsters, which is something that some businesses didn’t like. For Daniel Suelo, everyday is a road of trials. After comparing Daniel Suelo to the archetypal hero Campbell refers to, its possible to see similarities him and the hero, but it is also hard to find much concrete similarities between the two. In the end, according to Campbell, I believe that Daniel is actually an archetypal hero that had to go through trails that each other hero went through in movies, old stories, and modern day story telling.

Argument Structure in English Grammar

The word argument in  linguistics  does not have the same meaning as that word in common usage. When used in relation to grammar and writing, an argument is any expression or syntactic element in a sentence that serves to complete the meaning of the verb. In other words, it expands on whats being expressed by the verb and is not a term that implies controversy, as common usage does. Read about the more traditional sense of argument as a rhetorical term  here. In English, a verb typically requires from one to three arguments. The number of arguments required by a verb is the valency of that verb. In addition to the predicate and its arguments, a sentence may contain optional elements called adjuncts. According to Kenneth L. Hale and Samuel Jay Keyser in 2002s Prolegomenon to a Theory of Argument Structure,  argument structure is determined by properties of lexical items, in particular, by the syntactic configurations in which they must appear.   Examples and Observations on Argument Structure Verbs are the glue that holds clauses together. As elements that encode events, verbs are associated with a core set of ​semantic participants that take part in the event. Some of a verbs semantic participants, although not necessarily all, are mapped to roles that are syntactically relevant in the clause, such as subject or direct object; these are the arguments of the verb. For example, in John kicked the ball, John and the ball are semantic participants of the verb kick, and they are also its core syntactic arguments — the subject and the direct object, respectively. Another semantic participant, foot, is also understood, but it is not an argument; rather, it is incorporated directly into the meaning of the verb. The array of participants associated with verbs and other predicates, and how these participants are mapped to syntax, are the focus of the study of argument structure. —  Melissa Bowerman and Penelope Brown, Crosslinguistic Perspectives on Argument Structure: Implications for Learnability (2008)Arguments in Construction GrammarEach part of a complex construction has a relation to some other part of the construction in construction grammar. The relations between parts of a construction are all cast in terms of predicate-argument relations. For example, in Heather sings, Heather is the argument and sings is the predicate. The predicate-argument relation is symbolic, that is, both syntactic and semantic. Semantically a predicate is relational, that is, inherently relates to one or more additional concepts. In Heather sings, singing inherently involves a singer. The semantic arguments of a predicate are the concepts to which the predicate relates, in this case, Heather. Syntactically, a predicate requires a certain number of arguments in specific grammatical functions to it: sing requires an argument in the subject grammatical function. And syntactically, arguments are related to the predicate by a grammatical function: in this c ase, Heather is the subject of sings. —  William Croft and D. Alan Cruse, Cognitive Linguistics  (2004)ExceptionsNote the unusual behavior of the verb rain, which neither requires nor permits any arguments at all, except for the dummy subject it,  as in Its raining. This verb arguably has a valency of zero. —  R.K. Trask, Language and Linguistics: The Key Concepts  Ã‚  (2007)Conflicts Between Constructional Meaning and Lexical MeaningIn cognitive linguistics, it is generally assumed that grammatical constructions are carriers of meaning independent of the lexical items they contain. The lexical items used in a construction, especially the meanings of the verb and its argument structure, have to be fitted into the construction frame, but there are cases where a conflict between constructional meaning and lexical meaning arises. Two interpretive strategies emerge in such cases: Either the utterance is rejected as uninterpretable (semantically anomalous) or the semantic and/or syntactic conflict is resolved by a meaning shift or coercion. In general, the construction imposes its meaning on the verb meaning. For example, the ditransitive construction in English exemplified in Mary gave Bill the ball is in semantic and syntactic conflict with the syntax and meaning of the ditransitive construction. The resolution of this conflict consists in a semantic shift: the basically transitive verb kick is construed ditransitively and coerced into the interpretation cause to receive by means of hitting with the foot. This meaning shift is possible because there are an independently motivated conceptual metonymy  means of action for action that makes the intended interpretation available to the hearer even if he or she has never before encountered the use of kick in the ditransitive construction.  Klaus-Uwe Panther and Linda L. Thornburg, The Oxford Handbook of Cognitive Linguistics (2007)

Advertising Its Everywhere - 957 Words

Advertising: It s EverywhereNo, it s not your imagination. The amount of advertising and marketing North Americans are exposed to daily has exploded over the past decade; studies show, that on average we see 3,000 ads per day. At the gas pumps, in the movie theatre, in a washroom stall, during sporting events—advertising is impossible to avoid.Even outer space isn t safe from commercialization: the Russian space program launched a rocket bearing a 30-foot Pizza Hut logo, and some companies have investigated placing ads in space that will be visible from earth.The challenge of the future may be finding public and private spaces that are free of advertising.Marketers are pressed to find even more innovative and aggressive ways to cut†¦show more content†¦The marketing company FeatureThis extols the virtues of product placement for potential clients, on its Web site: Break through the cluttered media entertainment environment inexpensively, it claims product placement in feature films and television reaches millions of consumers, over and over again. With the advent of technologies such as TiVo, which allow consumers to edit out TV commercials, product placement is taking on an even greater importance. TV producers are looking for new ways to integrate advertising and content. Basing an entire show around a product is one technique; and giving viewers the capability of immediately purchasing products featured on the program is another. Following a segment of the NBC TV show Will and Grace, in which a character wore a pink Polo shirt, the network ran a 10-second clip telling viewers to go to the Polo Web site (which is 50 per cent owned by NBC) to purchase one. The site sold $3,000 worth of shirts over the next five days. In the near future, Interactive TV will allow users to order a pair of pants that your favourite TV star is wearing, merely by clicking on them. * Digital or virtual advertising Digital advertising goes one step further than product placement by using computer technology to add products to scenes that were never there to begin with. 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